Mearsheimer and Walt have finally said what has been clear to many for years: there is something deeply worrying about the Israel lobby's influence on US foreign policy. By encouraging unconditional US support for Israel and promoting the use of American power to remake the Middle East, the lobby has jeopardized America's own national interest. Preventing the United States from playing a more constructive role in the region has also undermined Israel's own long-term security and put the interests of other countries - ...
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Mearsheimer and Walt have finally said what has been clear to many for years: there is something deeply worrying about the Israel lobby's influence on US foreign policy. By encouraging unconditional US support for Israel and promoting the use of American power to remake the Middle East, the lobby has jeopardized America's own national interest. Preventing the United States from playing a more constructive role in the region has also undermined Israel's own long-term security and put the interests of other countries - including Great Britain - at risk. "The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy" is a work that speaks directly to one of the central foreign policy challenges of today. The Middle East seems set to remain a deeply troubled arena for at least another generation: this book helps explain why this is the case and what needs to be done to encourage a lasting peace.
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Many knee-jerk reactions to this book tried to smear it as anti-Semitic, simply because it questions whether American and Israeli interests in foreign affairs must necessarily always coincide. The authors take great pains to explain in detail why this charge is spurious, and they succeed, in my view. They make a credible case for why the most activist elements in the Israel lobby have, even if unintentionally, advocated for policies like the Iraq War which have actually made both the US and Israel less safe, and why more clear-eyed and dispassionate analysis is needed in order to make for a more ethically consistent US-Israel relationship.
The one point where I think the authors are dismissive without sufficiently supporting their case is in their relatively unexamined assertion that religious beliefs about the end times are no basis for the making and conducting of foreign policy. They simply state this as a given and then move on, but multiple chapters' worth of analysis in their text actually depend upon its being true. While untruths are certainly not a basis for any policy of any kind whatsoever, they do not provide any specific reasons why someone should not believe biblical prophecies, or not inform their worldview by biblical values. That, of course, would necessitate the exploration of hypotheses which would fall well outside the normal bounds of empirical social science methodologies, but their assertion cannot be taken as given simply because they say so, and because this is what is driving the political commitments the wisdom of which they question, this question cannot be so simply swept aside.
Apart from this one critique, though, the authors are not only not guilty of anti-Semitic or other anti-religious bias. They are extremely careful, reflective, even-handed, and knowledgeable in their treatment of what is one of the thorniest subjects imaginable. A more balanced and deeply-informed set of views on the topic would be hard to come by in any quarter.
